Sports are a disappointingly neglected and often ignored field of cultural studies, and what is most regrettable about this omission is the ability of sports to act as a microcosm of the societal condition. With the linguistic, political and regional divides that exist in Spain, a study of the identities that manage to unite and link people to a particular symbol of any kind is both warranted and justified. The Spanish setting, more so than any other, transforms the effect of giving your support to a club into a social and political statement rather than simply a preference or a matter of geographical convenience. Under Franco, Spanish football was more than a well recognised power in sporting terms, but the game also provided a vehicle for national sentiments, not only from Franco's own point of view, but from the other nations within Spain also.
I hope this post will show that football can be taken seriously as a topic of academic study and merit, and deserves to be so even today, when it seems that it is more about making money than creating and defining identity. If we are to dismiss football as a topic worth investigating from an academic standpoint, then we must dismiss the unity of the 20% of the world's population that watched the last World Cup Final. The link between the expression of an identity and a language belonging to that identity is clear, but can that link be shown to exist in a sporting arena? This post aims to look at the way that both identity and language manifest themselves in the Spanish footballing scene, and show that the link does exist.
The study of the sport from an academic point of view is troublesome enough, as nationalistic and extreme view points often find an outlet in football and can mar the general perception, as we can see today with the more violent and far right wing groups of supporters, not only in Spain but across the European continent. When commenting on the recent crowd trouble in Italy, UEFA spokesman William Gaillard stated that: “It reflects social difficulties in Italian cities which have little to do with football, and also the presence of extremists and organised groups do not reflect what the average fan feels about football...Football has a central place in the life of Italy, so whatever problems exist at a social level find their way to the stadium” (Gaillard in Meadows, 2007, Rediff News.com). Furthermore, we must consider that any examination of a football club's history is related heavily to the culture and context of the different eras, more so in Spain, with its dictatorial centralist governmental tendencies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, than elsewhere. Thus, in a sociolinguistic setting, the study is both warranted and justified. Throughout studies of history however, sport is often ignored, which to a certain extent, is due to the elitist nature of historical study. It is important to note that, as Robert Wheeler succinctly puts it, “in a pluralistic society, it is particularly important that historical studies be concerned with the activities of the many, as well as the few” (Wheeler, 1978: 2). Opinion plays a large role in this sport, and it is possibly to its own detriment as a serious topic of academic study. As a result it can be very difficult to disentangle the truth from the myth. Football divides as much as it unites, and viewpoints are in staunch opposition. An additional problem is that Spanish football is unique. The game, English in origin, took off in Spain for a few reasons postulated further on. A word that, as Philip Ball notes, not only permeates the Spanish game but is also the “driving force behind the public's relationship with the game” (Ball, 2001: 21), and is the title of his book on the subject, is morbo. Apt then, that it is “one of those awkward ones that defies easy translation” (Ball, 2001: 17). The translation we get if we are to turn to María Moliner is “enfermedad”, but this really isn't what it aims to suggest, rather a morbid fascination, or spectacle. In other words, morbo acts as a useful metaphor for the game in Spain: impossible to replicate or translate, intimately linked to a very Spanish identity and tied to language. It is worth noting that, as Ball once again does, the main difference between a Madridista and one of Barcelona's culés is that they probably talk about football in a different language (Ball, 2001: 22).
And it is at this juncture we should turn our attention to the history of the Spanish game. The late nineteenth century saw a great tumult not only in Spain but Europe as a whole. The Carlist Wars had put Spain in a dire economic position, and in need of raising some funds. But the cessation of the Third Carlist War in 1876 as well as an already existing system of mines, iron works and fisheries (Silver, 1999: 58) made the rapid industrialisation of Spain, especially the Basque region, easier, and the increase of internal migration from the poorer south to the wealthier north as well as the influx of foreign mine owners and workers brought with it the English game of football and a burgeoning working class population to take it up. First to receive it was Huelva, a town known more for its connection with Colombus than for its sporting properties. In fact, the town still hosts the annual tournament the “Trofeo Colombino” as a curtain-opener to the Spanish La Liga season. Nevertheless, the first club to be founded was Sporting Club of Huelva, or Recreativo Huelva as it was later changed to, with their first game played in 1890. One of the apodos of the club is still decanos, in order to reinforce their patriarchal status in the Spanish game. From here, the game spread throughout the country, with clubs being set up in cities and towns, many of the early ones with the assistance of foreigners, or as in the case of Athletic Club de Bilbao, people who had travelled to other countries where football had already taken root. In 1926, official rules of the game were formed by the Réal Federación Española de Fútbol and in 1929, the first La Liga championship was disputed. The nature of the growth of the game foreshadows its eventual popularity in Spain, from a position of non existence to a flourishing national sport, in the space of less than forty years.
What causes the growth is pertinent to this essay and is also a combination of things. Firstly, the nationalism question was not prominent until the late 19th century, and especially the linguistic element of this problem. As Fox notes, the rediscovery of the volkheit or vernacular became a preoccupation (Fox, 1999: 25), and in Spain this process created a problematic national picture of Catalans, Basques, Galicians, Andalucians and Castillians. Fox goes on to argue that language is formalised & worked into a popular nationalist movement by the ruling class or the elite, as happened in the Basque Country and Catalonia. Football's arrival on the scene then, provided an international game that gave an outlet to national and local identities. While the working classes would certainly have attended and played the game, it would be the sponsorship of the wealthier classes that made the very playing of the game possible. The stage then, for the national conflicts of football within Spain is set. Clarification of the term national is almost always required, as it is a very tricky phrase. I have used it very intentionally in the title of the essay to highlight the competing nations within Spain to which this essay will turn its attention shortly. Renan called nations imagined communities, and to an extent he is right. It is the upper classes that create a nostalgic sense of the greatness of a nation, but as Fox notes, nations are the artefacts of a people's convictions, loyalties and solidarities (Fox, 1999: 26). In this way, a football club is very similar: it requires loyalty, solidarity and conviction from its players and its supporters in equal measure, and where, as in Spain, there exists a national divide internally already, football can easily become an outlet for it.
It is in this way then, that football became a significant national stage for politics to become mixed up in it. The divides that exist today are not simply a product of the Franco regime, but rather existed long before that. The dictatorship of Primo de Rivera was the first of the two centralist governments, lasting from 1923 to 1930, which pales in comparison to Franco's later reign. However, it was enough time for an impact to be made not only socially, politically and economically, but also in a sporting sense. Like Franco later, Primo de Rivera wanted a single national identity, and sports were manipulated to try and further this ethos. But the notion of a single Spanish identity had to be created, because “the rapid success of the unification of Spain [in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries] at least partly lay in the high degree of autonomy granted to the regions” (Crolley, 1997: 33). Barça, as it is widely known, had already become a symbol for Catalan national sentiment by the time Primo de Riveira had taken charge, a clear example of which was the booing and whistling of the Spanish national anthem on the 14th of June, 1925, which resulted in Barcelona being banned from activities as a club or team for six months by General Joaquin Milans del Bosch, the recently appointed captain-general of Catalonia (Burns, 1999: 87). Not only that, but the Rivera dictatorship banned the use of the regional flags in the stadiums and the regional languages in the use of the clubs day to day business, which greatly affected both Barcelona and Athletic.
The Second Republic gave back some measure of democracy and authority to the regions and their sporting associations, but the civil war's outbreak affected the entire stratus of Spanish daily life, sport included. Crolley, Hand and Jeutter's study on the imagery of sports writing also offers a very interesting linguistic insight to the link between the Civil War and football. They argue that military imagery of the Civil War is very frequent in journalism right up to today, even of the broadsheets like El País: “Spain's national obsession with war is more specifically related (although never directly referred to as such) to the Spanish Civil War” (Crolley, Hand & Jeutter, 1998: 6). It is noticeable even in the latest reports of el clásico played on the 23rd of December 2007, where on Marca.com, the headlines speak of “asalta”, “un muro infranqueable” and “daño” when describing Real Madrid's victory (Marca.com). Once again, the Spanish national identity and near obsession with the civil war shows through in a linguistic and sporting tie. It is another Madrid victory, over 70 years ago, as it were, in 1936 that brought about another centralist regime and more repressionist policies.
In 1936, Josep Sunyol i Garriga, president of Barcelona Football Club and a delegate of the city of Barcelona was aressted and assassinated by Falangist troops en route to Madrid; it was a political killing that had sporting repercussions and foreshadowed what was to come for Catalonia and the other regions. Franco's infiltration of sport began even before the end of the Civil War in1938, when General Moscardó, the chairman of the Consejo Nacional de Deportes (which later became the Delgación Nacional de Deportes or DND) decreed that all club chairmen were to be appointed by the state and all positions of sporting power were to be held by Fracnoists (Crolley, 2000:304). Also in 1938 Marca was founded, with falangist support, and developed a daily circulation of 400,000, presenting the fascist line to toe on sporting achievements and proclaiming on its fourth anniversary The Caudillo as “Captain of Spain” (London, 1995:206). Furthermore, the aforementioned Moscardó was entrusted with the “management and promotion of Spanish sport” in 1941 with the official founding of the DND (London, 1995:204). Falangist symbols and salutes became part and parcel of sporting events, and the Spanish national team, or La Selección as it is commonly known, changed their red jerseys to a less communist looking blue. However while sport was meant to provide a vision of Spanish unity, the people had other ideas, and through football especially they expressed their difference. So much so that in 1960 Franco himself ordered the cancellation of a match due to take place between Spain and Russia lest there were to be an overwhelming display in favour of the Communist side (London, 1995:207). Franco decided that “sport had only one function that was both safe and useful: to serve as an escapist form of popular culture and thus divert attention away from political and social problems” (London, 1995:207). However, as Gaillard's quote earlier shows, the social problems will undoubtedly spill onto the pitch, and politics and sport have never been too far from each other, especially in the Spanish context. The language policies of Franco's dictatorship not only affected the official documentation and bureaucratic level, it affected the lives of everyday citizens in the nacionalidades históricas who could no longer use their native tongue in their family environment, business environment or leisure and sporting environment. It is for these reasons that the two clubs of Fútbol Club Barcelona and Athletic Club of Bilbao will be examined in this essay; they are the most significant examples of a linguistic and national identity expressed on the football pitch.
Athletic Club:
The Basque region has long been known as the most volatile in Spain. Most studies of the Basque culture tend to make reference to the fact that violence is almost part and parcel of the psyche and the culture in the wild North. Silver gives a prime example of this when noting that between 1956 and 1975 “martial law was declared in all of Spain four times but also an additional seven times solely in the Basque Country” (Silver, 1999: 62). This not only demonstrates the violent tendencies of the Basque people, but also the violence and repressionist ways of the regime, visited heavier on the different peripheral regions than any where else. Spanish workers are still referred to as immigrants in the Basque country, and they refer to those who speak Castillian as “erdaldunak” or literally the owner or possessor of another language (however the term is also used for all non Basque speakers). Despite the existence of Basque games like jai alai, also known as pelota, football still took off with massive popularity as it did throughout Spain, as a way to express regional uniqueness.
The club was formed in 1898 by a combination of Basque students that had been to England to study engineering and English immigrant workers who had gone to Bilbao, an important port during that era, which explains the English spelling of Athletic in their name. The phrase la furia española that is so connected with Spanish football, was coined as a result of the direct physical type of football played by the Basque teams, but was used in describing the national team's silver medal win at the Antwerp Olympics in 1920 (Goig, 2008: 58), a team comprised mostly of Basque players, one of whom was the legendary Rafael Moreno Aranzadi, or Pichichi as he was more commonly known, and it is in his honour that the top scorer award in La Liga is named. Not only that however, but the Basque players regularly dominated La Selección and continue to do so to a certain extent. This is mainly thanks to two things, one being the influx of people to the Basque region in the 19th century thanks to the rapid industrialisation of the region, as mentioned earlier. This gave the Basques a bigger pool from which to pick their players, but on the other hand it brought with it its own problems for the language to overcome. Euskadi, even though it had long hindered the baserritarra (tenant farmer) in the market place it had been transformed from a block to participation in the Castillian speaking culture to the touchstone of Basque nationalism (Silver, 1999: 61). Coupled with the repressionist policies of the Primo de Rivera regime, and a new non-Euskadi speaking portion of the population, the Basque language was in danger in the public sphere.
This, however, is where Athletic's linguistic and social role really come to the fore. The matches gave the people a venue and an arena to use their own language without fear of repression. Although, as Silver points out, the survival of Basque owes much to the semi-clandestine school system of dedicated clergy members (Silver, 1999: 62) it must also owe something to those that attempted to keep it used in the cotidiana. It is in the schools that language is formalised, but in the public and day to day that it is formed. Athletic's anthem is in Euskadi, reinforcing the Basque origins and linguistic ties of the club, and they gladly fly the ikurriña as a symbol of this. In fact, it was the two captains from both the Basque clubs, Real Sociedad and Athletic, that literally flew the flag only fifteen days after Franco's death, when on the 5th of December, 1975, Iribar from Athletic and Kortabarria from Sociedad carried the still illegal ikurriña to the centre circle at a match between the two teams, and one of ETA's anthems was played over the tannoy (Ball, 2001: 34). Athletic's and also Real Sociedad's canteras are the aforementioned second reason for the success of Basque players in the national team. The canteras are the youth academies of the two clubs, and they are renowned not only in Spain, but throughout the footballing world, as a model of talent development. From 1912 onwards, Athletic have only brought players through from the cantera (literally, the quarry) to play in the first team, and entrance to the academy is restricted to those of Basque heritage. While this seems well enough, it is also worth noting that many maketos, or descendants of Spanish “immigrants”, are welcomed to the club. Real Sociedad stopped this policy in the 1990s and began to sign foreigners, but this has mainly been due to the fact that Athletic have always been financially more powerful, and the signing of young player José Exteberría from Sociedad, breaking an unwritten agreement between the two not to poach their youth talent, effectively ended Sociedad's ability to continue its policy (Ball, 2001: 76). Nonetheless, the club is still a symbol of Basque identity, and its political connections to Euzko Alderdi Jetsalea – Partio Nacionalista Vasco are so tight that one of their former players, Aguirre, was the first elected president of the Basque country in 1936.
Linguistically, Euskadi is some what of a “holy grail”. It bears almost no relation to Spanish or to any other language, and its continuation and normalisation is key. Athletic's cantera provided, especially during the Franco era, a healthy environment for the use and breeding of Euskadi as a language: “Athletic de Bilbao...in the Basque country...symbolised opposition to the Franco regime in an era when any demonstrations of opposition to centralist policies were severely repressed. Only at the football ground could...Basques wave their nationalist flags...and sing their own anthems” (Crolley in Jordan & Morgan Tamosunas, 2000: 304). Even now, its role is of importance and not to be understated. Akarregi sets out several challenges for the language to meet, amongst which is the “promoción del aprendizaje e intensificar o focalizar adecaulmente la oferta en euskara de programas relacionadads con el ocio [y] el deporte” (Akarregi, 2000: 80). Athletic's ability to comply and assist with this is clear, and their continued cantera policy shows not only the footballing strength of the Basque country, but the identity driven and linguistic strength also. Athletic is a symbol that, in this 21st century, Basques are not to feel “extraños en nuestra propia casa por intentar vivir interpretando el mundo a través de nuestra cultura y de nuestra propia lengua” (Akarregi, 2000: 80).
Barcelona
The history of Fútbol Club Barcelona is one of difference, repression, a passionate people, and its home being a city that has always looked more towards the rest of Europe than towards Madrid and its centralist policies. The football club itself was always of a similar mindset, and it was not long before it became one of the great institutions of Catalan Nationalism, constantly developing with the history of the nation. As the current president of the club put it in a speech to the London School of Economics: “We go back a long way - we are at the head of a club with 105 years of history at our backs. And indeed, we come from an even longer history, the history of Catalonia, a thousand year old country...We come from Catalonia as representatives of F.C. Barcelona, a football club with...a life lived with intensity and always closely intertwined with the history of our country”(Laporta. 2005: 1). It should come as little surprise in the context of this essay that he gave the speech in Catalan, “the language of F.C. Barcelona” (Laporta, 2005: 1).
The history of the club begins in 1899, with its founding by a Swiss business man called Joan Gamper, who changed his name to the Catalan from Hans Kamper to fully adopt the identity that goes with the history of Catalonia, a tradition which many of the famous foreign players at Barça have followed. The timing of the club's formation brought with it its own difficulties from a linguistic point of view: “ejército, escuela y administración en castellano generaron en el siglo XIX una diglosia considerable. Gente que habitualmente hablaba catalán utilizaba el castellano en los contratos y testamentos, en las cartas a familiares y amigos, en facturas, albaranes, denominaciones sociales, ensayos y en las investigaciones” (Martínez, 2000: 62). The club has always had what Crolley calls a “persecution complex” (Crolley, 1997: 37), but not without some justification. The decision by the DND that all positions of power in sport were to be decided on by the self same body meant that Barcelona's presidente was to be a Francoist; This depuración occurred in all the clubs, but was met with more enthusiasm in Madrid than Barcelona: Their president from 1940-43 was Enrique Piñeiro, who castilianised the name of the team to Club de Fútbol de Barcelona and between 1953-61 it was Miró Sans, who used Castilian rather than Catalan in the clubs affairs (Crolley, 1997, 37). However in 1948, Barcelona incurred the wrath of the DND by allowing all its socios to vote for the president, and the DND imposed their own recommendation for president on them. This was a demonstration of not only the non-centralist nature of Barça, but also it was one of the very few occasions that democracy in any form can be seen during the dictatorship (Crolley, 1997: 39). The language policy was imposed on all clubs also, and the changing of English words in club names was not uncommon, as seen with Sporting Gijón becoming Deportivo Gijón, but it hit Barcelona rather hard, who were always “both a refuge and the pride of the Catalans. It’s been a place of refuge when the winds of history have blown against us and it’s been a source of pride when those winds have been more favourable” (Laporta, 2005: 2).
Those winds blew unfavourably during the Civil War and Franco's ensuing dictatorship. After the “liberation” of Barcelona, Franco's troops were ruthless. The killings were unchecked to such an extent that even the Italian fascist troops who had assisted in the taking of Barcelona were disturbed by them, leading their General, one General Gambara, to tell his headquarters “that Franco had 'unleashed in Barcelona a very drastic purge'” (Burns, 1999: 125). The violence was to foreshadow the repression of the city and the nation of Catalonia, but Barça were, what Shaw calls “el ejército que Catalunya nunca ha tenido” (Shaw in Crolley, 1997: 37). Their bitter rivalry with Real Madrid shows this anti-centralist stance well, as well as their local rivalry with Espanyol, the perceived centralist team in Barcelona. As mentioned before, reporting on el clásico, as well as other Spanish matches, uses much military terminology, and this furthers the sense of a true battle that surrounds the game. Madrid was, and certainly still is, one of the most hated and loved teams in Spain. Typically you could tell someone's political allegiances by which of Barcelona or Madrid that they supported. Barcelona's role as catalyst for national sentiments is very important, for a reason that Ferreter highlighted in 1953 in his essay on the Catalan language; “Madame se meurt”. He was worried that the language was in decline and dying due to its lack of use outside the “high” literary circles (Vilarós, 1999 :37), but it is important to note the arena that Estadio Les Corts and later the Camp Nou gave to the culés to discuss not only football, but politics and society without fear of repression. This aided its status as a symbol of Catalan nationalism, and with the decline of the dictatorship and slight relaxing of the language repression in the 1970s, this role was to become crucial.
The presidency of the club was given to Agustí Montal i Costa from 1969-77, and identification with Catalonia in the club increased. Senyeras were waved again, and the clubs publications began to be produced in Catalan once more, such as match programmes and the Revista Barça. Montal was an outspoken president, and his junta directiva contained more than one member who went on to join the Genralitat (Crolley, 1997: 41). Barça's role is even important in the promotion of Catalan today also, as they sponsor many language events throughout the city. These fiestas are an important part of Spanish culture for many reasons: “what this intensive celebration of festivals demonstrates is the gregariousness of the Spanish people, their liking for company, for meeting each other outside the home and the way they have made this into something of an art” (Lawlor & Rigby, 1998: 329). Further to that, the fiestas used to be organised by the Francoist ruling class, and the sposnorship of F.C. Barcelona is important, because it is one of the very few clubs left that is still owned by the supporters. “Popular fiestas often form part of [the] process of consolidating a seperate regional identity” (Lawlor & Rigby, 1998: 331). F.C. Barcelona also has many media outlets, including a daily newspaper, a television station and a radio station, with one of Catalonia and Spain's most recognisable voices, Joaquim Puyal. Television is a powerful tool, and Catalan language commentary as well as demonstrations and events in the stadium on match day, like the spelling out of “més que un club” firmly tie the linguistic and the sporting branches of Barça's tree. Even recently, some of the funds raised by the Barcelona Madrid game were directed towards Catalan language and cultural promotion by Federación Llull (FCBarcelona.cat). The Genralitat is also promoting further advancement of the gains achieved in the law 7/1983, in which is contained the following goals: “que persista [Catalan] como lengua habitual de la oferta deportivo y ocio...que se asegure una presencia significativa en las televisiones y en emisoras de radio públicas y privadas al igual que en la prensa del país” (Martínez, 2000: 67). Barca's spirit is certainly firmly geared towards this, more than likely because “as Vicens Vivers...has put it, that our most defining feature as a people is our desire to exist as such. This too is the principle characteristic of F.C. Barcelona” (Laporta, 2005: 4).
To conclude, the role that sport plays in culture is often overlooked, but essentially undeniable. “El fútbol siempre ha sido...una especie de opio que ha ayudado a pasar los malos tragos y ha hecho olvidar muchas situaciones que de otro modo hubiesen parecido insostenibles” (González Ledesma in Crolley, 1997: 36). The opening of the Camp Nou in 1957, shortly after the opening of the now named Snatiago Bernabéu stadium, in plain view of Franco, and with a greater capacity than that of the ambassadors of the regimen, “el mejor embajada que hemos enviado al extranjero” (Solís in Crolley, 1997: 40) cannot be denied to have had social and political effects. This arena for the use of Catalan became a symbol for Barcelona and Catalonia as much as the Sagrada Familia has been. In Athletic's case, they fostered the language through their cantera, which offered (and still does today) a real institution for its use. Both geographical areas were industrialised rapidly and had to adapt to an influx of castellanohablantes when there was a lack of the social infrastructure to support such cultural integration. The influx and the dictatorships only further served to jeopardise and hinder the language, but nevertheless, they have both survived to this day, and have experienced a post-dictatorial resurgence. The transición, like the earlier unification granted much autonomy to the nacionalidades históricas, thus the success they both had is understandable, but the autonomy is only granted if it is sought after. The vent that football provided, and also its ability to act as a microcosm of society, meant that there was an explicit and outspoken desire for this autonomy, an arena where the people could show that they desired their nation to be recognised. Simply put, the languages and cultures of the region survive not on their own, but rather, “básicamente porque la voluntad de los [hablantes], sin distinciones, es que la lengua persista” (Martínez, 2000: 64).
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